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equired centralization for proper control and it was proposed mbt sale to incorporate all chemists into a cooperative organization, converting independent owners into branch managers. Since the establishment of pharmacies has always been strictly controlled by a system of State concessions granted through the Apothecaries’ Society (another ancient example of corporatism), the Society would have had the legal power to impose its wishes. It was also clear to the Society that, professional considerations aside, the development of the Swedish Welfare State would force radical changes in the chemists’ functions. They would no longer run shops whose exclusive purpose was to sell drugs and make up prescriptions, but would have to supervise auxiliary health centres, at which dispensing would only be a part of their work. Moreover, since the welfare authorities provided most of the chemists’ income, the State was the biggest customer and, to achieve parity in negotiation, it was imperative to acquire size: one large company would be better than 400 independent chemists. To simplify <a href="http://www.mytimberlandshoe.com/mens-6-inch-authentics-premium-classic-boot-black-p-708.html"><strong>timberland mens boots </strong></a> organization the Apothecaries’ Society had already planned to reduce their number to 250. This was precisely what the government wanted, and the cheap mbts sole point at issue was whether the future organization was The Corporate State 111 to be owned by the Apothecaries’ Society or by the State. At first sight it seems odd that ideas of this nature were so readily accepted by a body which might be supposed to exist for the protection of its members’ individual interests. Political influence mbt walking shoes is out of the question since most chemists, and most of their professional leaders, are anything but Social Democrats. But maintenance of the ‘contact network’ so mingled the officials of the Apothecaries’ Society and the officials of the Directorate of Social Affairs that new concepts arose from their combined ranks as if they were one. It might be said that the reorganization of the pharmaceutical profession was hammered out by an informal commission of bureaucrats, whose salaries were partly paid by private levies, and partly by the taxpayer. On balance, the Apothecaries’ Society would have preferred to retain ownership, and they were supported by the Directorate of Social Affairs. But when it was evident that this was politically impossible, the Society’s officials started clandestine negotiations to make the transfer as smooth as possible, and to obtain the best possible terms of compensation. Now all this may read like underhand intrigue; and so it is up to a point. But, constitutionally, there are vital distinctions. Private discussions on the details of nationalization were in full swing before the Diet had had an opportunity to debate the principle. The negotiations were mbt shoes uk kept secret in order to remove the matter from politics. The government told the Society of the impending nationalization at least a year in advance, long before presenting it to the Diet. Let Mr Rune Westerling, the man who negotiated on behalf of the Apothecaries’ Society, tell the tale in his own words: ‘We had to keep the negotiations confidential, because there was so much at stake. I couldn’t have let our 400 members into the secret, because you can’t stop them talking, and we’d have been embarrassed by the publicity, You know how it is, when it’s a question of money, people 112 The New Totalitarians tend to complain. However much they might have got in compensation, they’d always want more. ‘Besides, it’s always better to negotiate behind the scenes, because it ensures a constructive atmosphere. The government always appreciate that, and as we kept our mbt lami members ignorant of what was going on, the Diet was not allowed to know what was going on either. ‘Well, about the middle of June [1969] we got down to the final negotiations. We were talking about money, so I was tough’ and about the middle of July we had come to a standstill. ‘Now, until then, it had been negotiations between equals. That’s to say, myself and a few of the Society’s top officials against senior officials of the Directorate of Social Affairs. But when the talks had stopped, two ministers immediately intervened. There was Mr Sven Aspling, Minister of Social Affairs (whom I have cultivated, for obvious reasons), and Mr Krister Wickman, Minister of Industry. They rang me, and said they wanted no difficulties, with the risk of controversy leaking out to the press. They also rang the government negotiators, and told them to give us what we wanted. We got it too, and in a few days the agreement was ready; about as fast as it took to get the documents properly drafted and signed.’ That was at the beginning of August. A month or so later, the nationalization of the chemists was announced by the government; not as a measure to be debated, but as a fait accompli for the Diet to ratify. ‘I certainly see nothing wrong in it – under Swedish conditions,’ to return to Mr Westerling. ‘You see, we Swedes don’t have much feeling for the Diet. We call it the “Transport Company” – you know, it just moves papers. The real work is done elsewhere. I think we prefer it that way. The most difficult problem I had to deal with was how to let our members know. The government, as I’ve said, was no trouble, The Corporate State 113 and the press weren’t interested. We’d kept knowledge of mbt walking shoes the negotiations to a small circle of negotiators and trusted leaders of the Society. Then, as agreement came in sight, we had a special meeting of the Board of Management, and told them what was happening. ‘At first, most of the Board showed irritation. I won’t pretend that they didn’t resent all the secrecy. But they soon understood that we’d got the best possible conditions under the circumstances, and once they saw that their professional integrity had been secured, they very quickly accepted the deal. The voting was thirty-seven to four, in favour. ‘The Board of Management was pledged to secrecy, and we only told our members after the agreement with the government had been signed. Most of them accepted the change on the spot. About ten <a href="http://www.mytimberlandshoe.com/mbt-shoes-outlet-c-19.html"><strong>mbt shoes</strong></a> per cent were angry: they had wanted to fight the takeover on principle. But they were, after all, a very small minority, and very soon all opposition had died away. ‘Why should this be so? You see, in the first place, we Swedes don’t think of ourselves so much as individuals, but as members of society. And I assure you, the pharmaceutical profession as a whole want to use their knowledge as much as possible for the benefit of society. After all, there are many fields in which people need a local expert with scientific qualifications. You’ve only to consider matters of pollution, to think of an example. And I think I’m interpreting the feelings of our members correctly when I say that the profession feels mbt shoes australia that, if it is close to the government, the pharmacies can be used to serve the community properly. ‘Then, there’s another thing of vital importance, if you want to understand my actions properly. We Swedes genuinely believe in consensus. Once a matter has been hammered out round the conference table, we think it’s wrong to go on fighting elsewhere. All you are permitted to do is to discuss the best means of putting decisions into 114 The New Totalitarians practice. I admit that this does not favour personality. It must repress the individual in order to preserve the consensus. But then, you must agree that individuality is not well developed among the Swedes. It’s the way we like it. We’ve always been like that, I suppose. Anyway, it’s the way we work today. ‘Well, that’s why our mbt stockists members acted as they did. Now, as far as the Society is concerned, the new arrangement has brought nothing but advantages, because we will be relieved of some irksome and unproductive functions. Previously, mbt kisumu our duties were of four kinds. We were a trade union, representing the financial interests of our members. We were a professional body, regulating the conduct of our members. We were also a scientific research organization. And finally, we were a business as well, running a number of manufacturing laboratories. Now, when the State takes over, we’ve agreed to change all this. The union function will be transferred to a division of SACO.* And our business duties will be taken over by a State corporation. ‘That allows us to concentrate on our professional and research duties. I, for one, am glad, because under the previous system <a href="http://www.mytimberlandshoe.com/timberland-chukka-boots-c-7.html"><strong>timberland boots sale </strong></a> we were often faced with conflicts between our various functions. ‘The Society’s officials will only benefit from the change. They will be able to concentrate on matters of more interest. What is more, mbt shoes sale their powers will be increased. You see, part of the terms of the takeover are that the Society will be represented both on the board of the new State retail chemists’ organization, and also on the board of the nationalized manufacturing chemists. Before, the Society had no direct say in the running of the shops, and now it will. And then, we have been guaranteed large State subsidies for research and professional administration, so that financially we will be better off. Summing up, you could say that the change of * Sveriges Akademikers Centralorganisation – the Swedish University Graduates’ Central Organization. The Corporate State 115 ownership has definitely been an advantage to the Society, although it might annoy some of the chemists.’ The affair of the chemists’ nationalization might be considered a disgraceful affront to the integrity of the Diet, a gross violation of constitutional procedure and the overture to a first-class scandal. But only by an outsider. To the Swedish public and the members of the Diet, it was nothing unusual. They accepted it without a murmur, and the press, which might be expected to cry havoc over such an issue, merely reported the terms of nationalization with the detachment of a bored chronicler. The opposition, which might have been expected to exploit the issue, never acted; to them, it was a matter of vote and be done with it. Thus a Liberal politician in a moment of private confession: ‘Strictly speaking, the government had acted unconstitutionally. But it’s a moot point. And I don’t feel very strongly about it. Oh, I know I’m a parliamentarian, and I should stand mbt trainers outlet up for the constitution and all that. But, well, the Diet’s weak, and the bureaucrats are strong, and that’s the way things are. Most people are perfectly satisfied. But I must say I prefer the English way of doing things: with a strong Parliament, where M.P.s still have a say in the running of the country.’ And here is what an official mbt shoes review of a Social Democratic organization had to say: ‘There was no point having a debate in the Diet, because nationalization of the chemists had already been decided in principle. First of all, the Young Socialists had agitated for nationalization, then the other popular organizations agreed, and the party accepted it. That meant the people wanted it. I can tell you that the Ministry of Finance had been working on the details for a long time before we were ready to tell the public. When everything was settled, then we could let the Diet vote. mbt shoes ‘I mean, that’s what democracy is all about, isn’t it? You do things through the popular organizations.’ 116 The New Totalitarians The popular organizations not only appear as the instruments of democracy, but as the creators of personality. ‘You must belong to an organization,’ said this same official, ‘in order to have a framework of reference.’ This very aptly expresses the inner compulsion of the Swede to accept the group. There lies the sheet anchor of the Swedish corporate mentality. It is not confined to any one party, and politicians only decide the nature of the group. Businessmen and industrialists of the most impeccable liberal principles accept the corporate idea as devotedly as the most adamant trade unionists among their employees. A leading official of the Confederation of Swedish Industries has this to say of his members (if he appears critical mbt chapa , dispassionate, and in some ways an outsider among his own countrymen, it is because he knows “Western Europe well, and has lived in the United States): ‘In industry, there is a desire among individual enterprises to delegate a great deal, especially civic duties, to their central organization. There is a willingness to turn over most issues to collective treatment. ‘I don’t like it. There must be some initiative left to the individual company. But Swedes are afraid of owning up to an opinion against the consensus, and for that reason I find it difficult, almost impossible, to get businessmen to speak out. Their attitude is that there is always an expert who can come up with the correct opinion.’ Corporate organizations have burrowed deep into everyday life. It is a condition of sale of all houses built or bought with local government loans (and most are so financed) that the purchaser join mbt discount the local house-owners’ association. It is with this body that the local authorities generally deal, treating it as a town hall annexe. A trivial example from a Stockholm suburb will illustrate how the system works. The question of painting a row of terraced houses had arisen, and the local authorities wanted them all in one colour. Instead of circularizThe Corporate State 117 ing the householders, some official explained his wishes to the secretary of the house-owners’ association and he, in his turn, saw that they were carried out. The secretary had considered it his natural duty to act as an agent of authority; the members all felt it natural to accept the rescripts of their association. The local house-owners’ associations are organized into a central organization, to which practically all suburban householders in Sweden belong. Even where membership is not compulsory it is complete because of a feeling that solidarity is a cardinal virtue. There are no rival associations, and the central organization is treated by the government as a corporate body through which to deal with the country’s owneroccupiers. Similarly, tenants of all flats owned mbt by cooperative building <a href="http://www.dabeat.org/bin/cpg/displayimage.php?pos=-83"><strong>That is why the cost appears attractive // mbt shoes</strong></a> societies or public authorities, which means most householders, are compelled by the terms of their leases to join the Swedish Tenants’ Association. Relations with landlords are conducted exclusively through the association; the individual tenant, if not exactly prohibited, is severely discouraged from doing business directly, and his approaches are invariably ignored. For the managers of such property it is a sensible arrangement, replacing innumerable individual transactions by a few centralized collective deals. Complaints about the drainage and certainly discussions about the rent must uphold the corporate procedure. This procedure requires that all things take the form of negotiation. When rents are raised, for example, the announcement is made, not as a simple decision of the landlords, but as an agreement with the tenants’ association. They meet to discuss the matter, but talk mainly about the economy of the country, not the interests of the association’s members. Both sides consider rent increases, not in terms of the tenant’s pocket, but as an item in the national budget and support for government economic policy mbt shoes online . On the face of it, the tenants’ associations are betraying 118 The New Totalitarians their members. But it is misleading to judge Swedish corporate organizations by the standards of pressure groups in “Western countries. A pressure group, by definition, implies the exclusive aim of advancing partisan interests. But there is
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